tHE GARRISON cOMMUNITY,
Trenchtown
The increasing
numbers of urban poor and the need to secure their vote made housing an area
both of genuine social concern and political potential. The Garrison community is the architectural
type created by that process. The geometries of movement, settlement, social
friction and so forth all were redrawn according the political poles within a
neighbourhood. Low income housing schemes, sometimes given cynical nicknames
like Angola, or Pegasus, the pathos of which will be explained below, were populated
through covert systems of political patronage by people willing to declare
their loyalty to a particular party. It is important to note that this system
was part of the grass root level of politics where small doses of
administrative power were effective personal weapons within the war for scarce benefits and spoils perpetuated by
political tribes. The resulting political “simplification” of an area duly
resulted in the geographical polarisation of communities into garrisons, areas
overtly defined by their political allegiance.
Trenchtown, a
particularly potent example of a garrison community, is a desolate place, true
to the omen in the name, even though the area was harmlessly named after a Lady
Trench. In this area, the birthplace of BobMarley, the geometry of
confrontation takes on a dramatic simplicity. A broad no-man’s land
circumscribes the entrenched communities. Precariously situated on the edge of
one of them is a lonely police station. Before it was built bullets used to fly
freely across the divide, especially during the more frolicsome evenings. Aimed
only vaguely in the right direction, the kill was an arbitrary piece of luck;
the victim’s identity not important. It was enough that the victim be one of them: PNP or JLP. To prevent the
main road being used by opposing posse’s, a roundabout was blocked by a house
built over the road. The urban haemorrhage was treated by the creation of an
urban thrombosis.
The no-mans’ land is still punctuated here and there by the ruins of past
acts of futile good-will and foreign aid. A cinema lies in ruins. Community
centres are places to plunder building materials. Health clinics disintegrate
under the immense and insupportable weight of the problem. The result is a
desolation which achieves a brutal poetry echoed by the harsh words and
provocative movements of Dance Hall Culture. Further development is discouraged
by the people who live in these areas. They just want out. To them Trenchtown
is a bad place; the thing they crave
above all: jobs and respect, lie beyond its boundaries.
As a result they have internalised their houses. The interiors scream of a
desire for normality: photographs of pretty babies plaster the walls, what-nots
and shiny ornaments make John Soane’s Museum look like an empty railway
station. But outside, young, empty men sit, nothing to do, on fences, smoking the weed and bearing their extraordinary
typology of scars as marks of respect and identification.
Many now realise that the social housing schemes of the seventies and
eighties merely concentrated on alleviating the symptoms. High rise “Government
Yards” were built at minimal cost in the naive but understandable belief that
they were better than the self-build shanty towns they were meant to replace.
The one called Pegasus, mentioned earlier, was given that nick-name because it
lies on axis with a luxury Hotel of that name visible above the scarred
landscape in the fantastically distant north of New Kingston. I think that
contrast explains the problem. The popular opinion is that “Jamaicans don’t
like living in high rise apartments” Looking at a government yard one can
hardly be surprised! Surely it is not the high-rise as a generic solution which
is meant here, but this specific kind
of high-rise: a dire concrete shell designed to alienate by the inadvertent
evil of good intentions.
Social housing policies globally
have continually given in to the prevailing wisdom that ever lower costs, built
by people with ever fewer skills at ever minimal standards would solve a
problem for the moment: At least they have something was the
argument, it is better than nothing.
Research has borne out that that is not quite so. In fact these schemes created
their own problems. Short term cheapness has an awful long-term cost. The need
for unskilled labour prerequisite to this cheapness becomes the social
depository of a paradox. Social Housing needs cheap people to build cheap
houses for people with little money. In the process, the building industry has
created, or at least failed to discourage the formation of a class of people
without the means to their own dignity.
pATHS AND POLITICS
The political
climate is changing, becoming more pragmatic and economically opportunistic.
The system of political patronage is being dismantled. Even so there is still
an exclusive focus on winning elections. The recent past is still a prime
determinant of the geometric description in zinc and concrete of the urban
rituals of Jamaica today. The landscape of Kingston remains divided into a
complex pattern of antithetical areas connected by an absurdly convoluted
network of paths. To each city dweller the city presents itself as a customised
patchwork of familiar fragments linked by corridors intersecting large blank
areas, usually lined with zinc and inhabited only by hearsay and its
mythological creatures. The boundaries of these patches in the politically more
sensitive areas are marked clearly by the colour and signs of that community’s
forcefully homogenised political affiliation. Countless deaths are still caused
by a Romeo persisting in his love for a Juliet and crossing the line that has
come to divide them.(7)
The area of Southside is infamous
for its complex partitioning into areas of a tribal loyalty for which the overt
justification is political affiliation. The place is a labyrinth of imperative
detours. People on their daily trek to the shops or to work are living proof
that the shortest efficient distance between two points is seldom a straight
line.